Show your support by donating any amount. (Note: We are still technically a for-profit company, so your
contribution is not tax-deductible.)
PayPal Acct: 
Feedback: 
Donate to VoyForums (PayPal):
| [ Login ] [ Main index ] [ Post a new message ] [ Search | Check update time | Archives: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, [9], 10 ] |
| Subject: How far has the “Cornish Revival” affected modern Cornwall ? | |
Author: S Witterick | [ Next Thread |
Previous Thread |
Next Message |
Previous Message
] Date Posted: 04:57:59 11/04/04 Thu How far has the “Cornish Revival” affected modern Cornwall ? There can be no dispute that Cornwall as she moves into the 21 st Century is a very different place from the Cornwall of the 1800s, of mining and fishing and industrial prowess. The collapse of the traditional Cornish industries, and the shift to a “second periphalism” with a tourist – based economy, has been affected by a number of factors. This essay attempts to explore how much of this change has been influenced by the “Cornish Revival” which occurred between the late 19 th Century and the 1950s. It also aims to question what effect the Revivalist movement has had on the day-to-day life of the Cornish. The Revivalist movement arose as a response to the rapid de-industrialisation of Cornwall which occurred in the mid to late 19 th Century. Much has been written on the actions and aspirations of this movement. A brief, and necessarily incomplete, summary is given here to set the scene for the following analysis. The pan-European Romantic movement inspired and influenced much of the work of the Revivalists. This movement “identified language as the principal badge of nationality and ethnic kinship” (Payton, 1997). The Cornish movement looked back over the ruins of industry to an older, more “romantic” Cornwall, taking as its central icon the revival of the Cornish language, desiring “….a Cornwall which was Cornish-speaking and unequivocally Cornish in all its cultural attributes…” (Payton, 1997). The first Revivalist organisation was the Cowethas Kelto-Kernuak, founded in 1901 “for the study and preservation of the Celtic remains in the Duchy of Cornwall” (Duncombe-Jewell, 1902). This included the aim “to revive the Cornish Language as a spoken tongue”. The re-establishment of the Cornish Gorsedd in 1928 fulfilled a major ambition of the movement. It remains to this day, “open by invitation to anyone who had made an outstanding contribution to the Celtic spirit of Cornwall or who had demonstrated competence in the Cornish language” (Payton, 1997). This movement was followed by the Old Cornwall Society, founded in 1920. Their motto was “Cuntelleugh An Brewyn Us Gesy Na Vo Kellys Travyth” (gather the fragments that are left, that nothing may be lost) ( www.dalrida.co.uk , 2001). The Revivalists initially courted middle class institutions. The foundation of the OCS was a calculated move to bring the Revival closer to ordinary people, a vehicle for promoting Cornish nationality, in part via the promotion of the Cornish language (Nance, 1925). This aim became lost among the dialect and history emphasis imposed by its members, and Morton-Nance acknowledged that “Cornish is never likely to become a language that comes by nature, as it were, to Cornish people. It is never likely to become useful to a political party who could make a nuisance of it either…” (Nance). The Revivalists were also alienated from the general population by their Anglo-Catholic religion, and by the gulf between the pre-industrial cultural values they tried to promote and a population still struggling to come to terms with the loss of their industrial identity. To the Revivalists, language was the sole key to nationality – Jenner (1904) described it as an “outward and audible sign of…separate nationality”. They eschewed dialect in favour of language as it was “redolent of an Anglophone industrial age; the Cornish language harked back to an earlier Celticity” (Payton, 1996). The foundation of the Cornish Gorsedd was intended to promote Cornish art, literature and music as well as language. The survival of this ceremony is one of the great successes of the Revivalist movement, but also symbolises one of one of their greatest failures. Very little is written or composed in the language in modern Cornwall beyond the auspices of the Gorsedd, and there is little in the way of commercially available product to show for the efforts of these artists and musicians. This reflects the relatively small proportion of the population who speak Cornish fluently, estimated in 1981 as less than a hundred (Brown, 1981). Recent reports suggest some upturn of interest with there being “several hundred” fluent speakers (Shimmell, 2000). On the other hand, recent debates over the “authenticity” of the reconstructed language (see Penglase, 1994 and George, 1995) and the existence of three separate orthographies have no doubt confused and discouraged many from learning the language. As such, the Revivalists failed in their desire to re-introduce Cornish as a commonly and naturally spoken tongue. As shown above, this was accepted by Nance at an early stage. The aim must surely have then become to raise awareness of the language, and there is a body of evidence to suggest that this is the case. There are a number of books now available on the meaning of Cornish place names and Cornish personal names, also short dictionaries and “phrase books”. This illustrates that there is some interest in the language. Language classes are available in Cornwall and London , and on the Internet. Evidence suggests that there are Cornish speakers throughout the world (Crowther and Carter, 2001). Some town councils have adopted bilingual signs to welcome visitors (eg Hayle, Camborne, although bilingual signs in Newquay have been removed!). In October 1999, Restormel Council agreed to “support and encourage the use of the Cornish language in the borough” following a request from the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages. Proposals include streets named in Cornish, and support for the provision of bilingual location signs (West Briton, 21-10-1993). This policy was later adopted by Penwith, Kerrier, Carrick and North Cornwall Councils (West Briton, 16-3-2000 ). As a precursor to this, in 1998 the County Council emphasised Cornish as a key element in achieving Objective One status for Cornwall . Perhaps in anticipation of this, they incorporated the phrase “Onen hag Oll” (One and All) into their logo. Without a revived language, there could be no road signs, no mottos. The impact of the language revival on the population was limited, but is clearly lasting and in some small way affects every Cornish person. As Thomas said, “The knowledge of the existence of a separate Language, as distinct from a full knowledge of that language itself, is probably sufficient to foster a sense of otherness” (Thomas, 1973). Whilst the Revivalists failed in their aim to reintroduce Cornish as a “living” language, their efforts served to fuel the sense of Cornish “identity” which now exists. The Revival occurred as part of a wider “Celtic Revival”. In attempting to form post-industrial Cornwall , the Revivalists were heavily influenced by the tactics of other Celtic nations. In particular, the creation of a “Cornish Tartan” to emphasise Celticity and difference was directly borrowed from the Scots and Irish. Whilst this is not an item of everyday wear for the majority of Cornish, it has been adopted as a symbol of Cornish identity, and is much in evidence on occasions such as the pilgrimages by “Trelawney's Army”, and at local festivals. The flag of St Piran was described as the Standard of Cornwall in 1838 (Gilbert, 1838) and was re-introduced by the Revivalists. It has been seized upon by the population as a symbol of identity, displayed on cars and flying from buildings including those of Cornwall County Council. It has been adapted for use in the logos of a number of organisations, eg the Cornwall district of the Methodist Church , and businesses such as Ginsters. It is said that “Cultures…have at their heart a symbolic dimension” (Deacon, 1993) and this certainly appears to be the case with the modern Cornish. In addition to the Gorsedd, the Revivalists successfully resurrected a number of traditional festivals. This was a popular move with the Cornish, aligning with their nostalgia for their successful past. Whereas the Revivalists preferred to overlook Cornwall 's industrial past, the comparatively recent festivals of “Trevithick Day” in Camborne and Murdoch Day in Redruth (both established in the early 1990s) actively celebrate this past ( www.trevithick-day.org.uk , 2001). Paradoxically, they also support the aims of the Revivalists by instilling a sense of Cornish pride and group identity. These days “have reawakened local people's interest in their history, and give people a chance to celebrate their Cornish heritage” (The Cornishman, 3-5-2001 ). Many villages in mid Cornwall have resurrected the tradition of dancing round the maypole, and moves are afoot at the moment to revive the “Snail Creep” dance in the clay villages (www.rescorla.org). The midsummer feast of St John was revived in 1990 with “Mazey Day” and has now grown into the 10-day Golowan Festival. One true success of the revivalists must be the introduction of “Trelawney” (correctly known as “The Song of the Western Man”) as the unofficial national anthem of Cornwall . The Rev R.S. Hawker was credited with authorship of the lyrics as early as 1832 (Hawker, 1832). Whether this piece was intended to be used as an “anthem” or simply as an introduced “folk song” is unclear, but its importance to many Cornish as a symbol of their group identity and pride in their heritage should not be underestimated. McDonald (1986) wrote that “modern ethnic or minority identity is commonly sought through historicist argument: the present is understood by reference to the past, and the interpretation of the past is made to generate the present.”. The evidence above suggests that this is very much the case in Cornwall . Participation in these festivals and traditions, and display of these symbols, acts as a statement of “otherness” and “difference”. There is evidence that the Cornish community living elsewhere in the UK and abroad maintain their sense of “Cornishness” through the use of such symbols. There are associations of “exiles” throughout the world. Crowther and Carter (2001) found that “Cornishness…is not restricted to the spatial boundaries of the county, but it is very much an international identity”. Eade (1997) and Fennel (1997) argue that identity is concerned more with cultural bonds than physical presence – this is supported by the work of Crowther and Carter (2001) who interviewed a number of self-defined “Cornish” on the Internet. They found that whilst the majority had never been to Cornwall , “a significant number were learning the Cornish language”. Their conclusion was that “most…would seem to feel an identity with an idealised Cornwall rather than a physical Cornwall ”. This identity is apparently shaped by the outsider perceptions of Cornwall arising from the work of the Revivalists, as well as the Revivalist notion that language equals identity. In tandem with this sense of identity is a kinship with other “Celtic” nations. Many towns are twinned with Breton towns, and there are exchange programs between Cornish and Breton schools ( www.cornwall.gov.uk , 2002). This emphasises the links between the Cornish and Celtic Revivals. Thomas (1973) wrote that the Revivalist's achievement was “the establishment of a sense of Cornishness, of national consciousness”. It must be acknowledged that identity arises from a number of factors, including insider and outsider perceptions and economic conditions. The means of expression of this identity are strongly influenced by the work of the Revivalists and their resurrected (and in some cases invented) symbols and traditions. A poll in 1994 evidenced that the Cornish “identify strongly with their County” (The Packet, 17-3-1994), and in the 2001 census it is thought that many self-defined as Cornish (West Briton, 12-4-2001 ) Despite this, Cornwall was slow in developing a nationalist political movement. Tregidga (1997) argues, “The debate over Home Rule for Ireland …can be regarded as the catalyst for the rise of nationalism in both Scotland and Wales ”. This was not the case in Cornwall , which opposed Home Rule due to religious and economic concerns. This meant that whilst parties such as Plaid Cymru (1925) and the Scottish National Party (1928) flourished, there was no Cornish equivalent until Mebyon Kernow formed in 1951. Tregidga questions whether the Cornish movement “actually failed to recognise, or even quite possibly did not want to exploit, the clear potential for political nationalism”. The first quasi-political Cornish movement was formed in the 1930s in London . Calling themselves Tyr ha Tavas (land and language), this group has been described as “the first nationalist movement proper” (Payton, 1975). Influenced by the view of other western Europe peripheral groups, as well as the Cornish Revivalist movement, they believed that language was “like the key to the revival” (‘Kernow', 1934). This belief, coupled with their physical distance from Cornwall , meant that they were remote from the Cornish population. The group folded during WWII, to be followed by Young Cornwall, set up in Oxford in 1940. This group was also short lived, but in their lifetimes both pressured Cornish MPs to deal with socio-economic problems in Cornwall, the members of Tyr ha Tavas being actively encouraged to “see that the education, the daily and industrial life…was the best that Cornwall could provide” (Cornish Guardian, 30-5-1935). Again we see evidence of identity as fostered by the Revivalists, in this case emphasised initially through the use of the language, in line with Nance's original vision. Tregidga (1997) suggests that “Tyr ha Tavas can be regarded as a bridge from the purely cultural and academic concerns of individuals like Jenner to the political objectives of Mebyon Kernow in the 1950s”, which was joined by most of the active members of the earlier groups. MK was the first organisation to advocate “domestic self-government for Cornwall ” (Tregidga, 1997), although its initial aims were largely non-political. They included fostering language and literature, encouraging the study of Cornish history, and arranging “concerts and entertainments with a Cornish Celtic flavour” (Jenkin, 1991). These goals closely reflect the aims of the Revivalist movement twenty years before. This attitude changed quickly, with self-governance in domestic affairs being raised in 1951. By 1968, membership exceeded 3000 – coinciding with the “ London overspill controversy”. Today membership is steady at 700-800 (Cole, 2002). Because MK was founded initially as a pressure group, Cornish MPs were able to maintain their membership whilst representing their own parties until this “dual membership” policy was abandoned in 1976. MPs who joined included John Pardoe, Peter Bessell and David Mudd, and supporters included Harold Hayman, John Nott and David Penhaligon (Payton, 1989). This must mean that, whilst MK has never held a parliamentary seat, they must have had some influence upon Cornish MPs who, in turn, would attempt to ensure that Cornwall was not ignored by central government. We could conclude that the Revivalists have extended their influence to Westminster , if only as a small ripple in a big pond. The Cornish Stannary Parliament was formed (‘revived') in 1974 (Murley, 2002). This largely nationalist organisation has campaigned against the use of “English” symbols in Cornwall and has also petitioned the European Parliament to recognise the Cornish as an ethnic minority (CSP, 2000). There have been two radical breakaway movements from MK, both strongly Revivalist in outlook, proposing the national flag of St Piran and language classes for all (CNP, 1977). The current campaign for a Cornish Assembly has so far apparently had little effect on the attitude of the Government towards Cornwall ; but four of the five Cornish MPs have signed the petition handed in at Downing Street (Western Morning News 24-10-2000 ). The large number of Cornish (and others) who have signed the petition illustrates the strength of feeling that Cornwall is indeed “different” – as advanced by the Revivalists. At the same time as the Revivalists were working to resurrect pre-industrial culture, Cornwall 's economy began to shift from an industrial base towards tourism. This can largely be attributed to the arrival of the Great Western Railway, and the promotion of the “Cornish Riviera” throughout Britain . The GWR presented Cornwall in a romantic light, using Celtic mysticism and Arthurian legend to attract visitors. Much of this promotional imagery was composed in collusion with the Old Cornwall Societies (Mais,1928). Whilst Perry (1999) thinks this collusion insignificant, Payton (1993) asserts that “The development of tourism in Cornwall was a conscious and calculated reaction, and attempt to construct a post industrial economy”. The romantic imagery promoted by the Revivalists certainly allies strongly with the image portrayed by the GWR. If the Revivalists can be held at least partly responsible for the construction of these outsider images of Cornwall , they are responsible for a major sector of Cornwall 's economy. By the 1960s, income gained via tourism was equal to that generated by manufacturing in the county (McArthur, 1998 ). Cornwall 's economy is now largely reliant on tourist income. Cornwall County Council suggests that at least 30,000 people are employed in tourist serving industries from a total of 222,000 in employment. This figure increases at peak season (www.cornwall.gov.uk). Rawe (1996) describes tourism as “a very mixed blessing”, acknowledging economic benefits and social and artistic gains, but noting the removal of cottages from the housing chain for holiday accommodation, increased traffic and pollution, and erosion of the coastal path. Both positive and negative, these effects impact upon everyday life in Cornwall . In recent years, there has been a boom in “heritage tourism”. The Cornwall Heritage Trust was set up in 1985 “to counteract the growing instances of Cornish historic sites, artefacts, pictures and documents which were being lost to Cornwall ”. Ironically, despite the evolving nature of the Cornish Revival, the basic aim of preservation of artefacts and culture is once again paramount. What can we conclude regarding the effect of the Revival on modern Cornwall ? It has, overall, enjoyed “a particularly low level of credibility, both internally and externally” (Wight, 1981). The failure to reintroduce the Cornish language to everyday use would be disappointing to the Revivalists, but the awareness of the language amongst the people, and its use in street names, personal names etc, has increased greatly over the last century. The Revivalists were not politically motivated, but their promotion of Cornish identity has shaped the form of modern Cornish politics. Language was a concern of the early political movements, and MK and others have adopted the symbols introduced by the Revivalists. The basic concern – to foster the culture and heritage of Cornwall – is maintained within Cornish politics. The creation of Cornwall 's post-industrial economy has been shaped by the images of the County created by the Revivalists. Perhaps most importantly, a strong sense of Cornish identity has been created. This is the most crucial factor in ensuring that people wish to preserve the artefacts and traditions of Cornwall 's past, the original aim of the Revivalists. References Brown, W. (1981) ‘The Present State of Cornish', Paper presented to the Celtic Congress 1981, Lannuan Cornish National Party (1977), Program an Party Kenethlegek Kernow Cornish Stannary Parliament (2000) Submission to the Council of Europe on the need for the provisions of the Council of Europes Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities to be applied to Kernow (Cornwall) and the Kernewek (Cornish) , Cornish Stannary Parliament Crowther, D. and Carter, C. (1998), Community Identity in Cyberspace: A Study of the Cornish Community , Aston Business School Deacon, B (1983), ‘Is Cornwall an Internal Colony?' in O'Luain, C. (ed) For A Celtic Future , The Celtic League Deacon, B (1993) ‘And Shall Trelawny Die? The Cornish Identity' in Payton (ed) Cornwall Since The War, Redruth: Institute of Cornish Studies Duncombe-Jewell, L.C. (1901), ‘ Cornwall : One of the Six Celtic Nations', in Celtia , October 1901. Duncombe-Jewell, L.C. (1902) in Celtia , May 1902, p79 Eade (ed) (1997), Introduction to Living in the Global City , Routledge Fennel, G. (1997) ‘Local Lives – Distant Ties; Researching Community under Globalized Conditions', in Eade (ed) Living in the Global City , Routledge George, K (1995) ‘Which base for Revived Cornish?' in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies Three, Exeter : University of Exeter Press Gilbert, D (1838) cited in Hunt, R (1871), Popular Romances of the West of England , Hale, A. (1997) ‘Genesis of the Celto-Cornish Revival?' in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies Five , Exeter : Exeter University Press Hawker, R.S. (1832) Records of the Western Shore , 1832 Jenkin, R (1991), 40 Years of Mebyon Kernow , Mebyon Kernow Jenner, H, (1904), Handbook of the Cornish Language Kernow, Issue 2, 1934 Mais, S.P.B. (1928) The Cornish Riviera , Great Western Railway McArthur, M. (1988) The Cornish: A Case Study in Ethnicity , Unpublished dissertation, Bristol McDonald, M. (1986) ‘Celtic Ethnic Kinship and the Problem of Being English' in Current Anthropology Vol 27 no 4 Morton-Nance, R. (1925) ‘What We Stand For', in Old Cornwall 1 Murley, C (2002), correspondence with author. http://www.cornish-stannary-parliament.abelgratis.com Penglaze, C (1994) ‘Authenticity in the Revival of Cornish' in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies 2 , Exeter : University of Exeter Press Payton, P (1975), The Ideology of Celtic Nationalism , unpublished MA thesis, Bristol Payton, P (1989), Modern Cornwall , The Changing Nature of Peripherality, Unpublished thesis, Polytechnic South West Payton, P. (1992), The Making of Modern Cornwall : Historical Experience and the Persistence of Difference , Redruth Payton, P (1996), Cornwall , Fowey: Alexander Associates Payton, P. (1997) ‘Paralysis and Revival: the reconstruction of Celtic-Catholic Cornwall 1890-1945' in Westland (ed) Cornwall : The Cultural Construction of Place , Penzance : Patten Press Payton, P. and Thornton, P. (1995) ‘The Great Western Railway and the Cornish-Celtic Revival', in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies Three , Exeter University Press Perry, R. (1999) ‘The Changing Face of Celtic Tourism in Cornwall , 1875-1975', in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies Seven , Exeter University Press Rawe, D. (1996 updated edition) A Prospect of Cornwall, Shimell, R. (2000) ‘Cornish Language – Spreading the Word', at http://www.thisiscornwall.co.uk Thomas, C. (1973) ‘The Importance of Being Cornish', lecture delivered at Exeter University 1973 Thomas, C. (1973), ‘The Importance of being Cornish in Cornwall ', lecture delivered at Cornwall Technical College , 10 April 1973 Tregidga, G. (1997) ‘The Politics of the Celto-Cornish Revival, 1886-1939' in Payton (ed) Cornish Studies Five, Exeter : Exeter University Press Wight, I, (1981) Territory versus Function in Regional Development: The Case of Cornwall , unpublished discussion paper, University of Aberdeen [ Next Thread | Previous Thread | Next Message | Previous Message ] |
| [> Subject: BBC take on Cornish decolonisation | |
|
Author: S Witterick [ Edit | View ] |
Date Posted: 05:15:22 11/04/04 Thu http://ftp.bbc.co.uk/cornwall/have_your_say/mebyon_1.shtml "No S.W. Region for Cornwall" say the people on the BBC website. [ Post a Reply to This Message ] |
| [> Subject: Good Post | |
|
Author: Matt(UK) [ Edit | View ] |
Date Posted: 19:38:48 11/04/04 Thu [ Post a Reply to This Message ] |
| [> Subject: This was interesting | |
|
Author: David Hicks [ Edit | View ] |
Date Posted: 19:10:40 11/06/04 Sat I think it is important that people realise the indigenous cultures of the united kingdom, instead of pretedning there is just one. [ Post a Reply to This Message ] |
| [> [> Subject: closer together | |
|
Author: Owain (UK) [ Edit | View ] |
Date Posted: 08:09:43 11/07/04 Sun Yes, we must recognise there existance and then do everything we can to bring them closer together. I'm not talking about English assimilation. Theres something we can all learn from each other (even if its just each others mistakes) and so there no reason to contain certian ideas into certain areas. [ Post a Reply to This Message ] |