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Date Posted: 15:50:06 06/25/06 Sun
Author: Colonel Angus
Subject: Interview with a malignant narcissist.
In reply to: Colonel Angus 's message, "David Duke is a malignant narcissist." on 09:23:32 06/20/06 Tue

David Duke
by James Crotty
May 31, 1999



DAVID DUKE WANTS TO BE LOVED


Mandeville, LA

he first thing I thought when I finished David Duke's 717 page tome, My Awakening, was not about the racialist (to be kind, because it is more racist) point of view he attempts to buttress with studies and anecdotes. Most of it is wormed over human genetics stuff that was analyzed, dissected, and ultimately deemed irrelevant to running a compassionate democracy about two decades ago. Sure, books like the Bell Curve have brought the subject all over again. But, for most Americans, it's a big yawn. What I thought about when I finished My Awakening was that David Duke arrested his intellectual development back when Shockley was the rage, and, meanwhile, thousands, if not millions, of lowly uncivilized blacks and Hispanics, who he sees little hope for, have passed him by. David Duke is an anachronism that could only have occurred in southern Lousiana. Sure, there are far right-wing candidates and groups all over America. But David Duke is peculiar. He has successfully run for public office. It takes a place like New Orleans metro area, which is in complete denial about drug and alcohol abuse, to elect an intellectually arrested adult child of an alcoholic, who exhibits all the pains and insecurities and needs for approval that come from such an upbringing. The conclusion I drew from My Awakening is that David Duke shouldn't be running for elective office, he needs to be running for the nearest 12 Step meeting. Because this guy needs help.

THE ULTIMATE NEW ORLEANS TABOO:
THE DAVID DUKE INTERVIEW


We'll admit it. There's a naughty thrill in interviewing David Duke, former Klansmen and current Republican candidate for the US House seat vacated by Robert Livingston. It's taboo to sit in the presence of a man who has the temerity to utter unspeakable "truths" about Jews, blacks, gays and other groups not part of Duke's idealized white America. But from Lon Mabon to Annie Sprinkle, at Monk we've always prided ourselves on an ability to turn an unblinking eye towards subjects others find distasteful. Not only because of our firm commitment to freedom of speech, but because we find knee-jerk demonizing both immature and counterproductive. If someone's ideas are wrongheaded, they should see the light of day, so intelligent people can decide for themselves if those ideas are of merit. The notion that certain controversial individuals should be denied a platform because it encourages others to adopt similar beliefs is patronizing and un-democratic.

So we visited Mr. Duke, in the white suburb of Mandeville, in his comfortable brick home, in the presence of his white toy poodle. Mr. Duke is very popular in these parts (he was elected twice to the Louisiana state legislature), appealing to the Confederate values that lie barely concealed beneath the free-spirited multi-culti gumbo of Mardi Gras and Fat City. Duke narrowly lost the 1992 Gubernatorial election, only because reluctant supporters of former Governor Edwin Edwards launched a massive campaign to "Vote for the Crook" (a prophetic slogan, as Edwards, true to form, and New Orleans tradition, continued his corrupt ways after the election, as the Riverboat Gambling Affair made clear).

In the interim, Duke has had time to reflect. And in January of 1999 he released a self-published 717 page call to action entitled "My Awakening" (Free Speech Press, 1998). At first we thought the title suggested a profound shift in Mr. Duke's rancorous racialism; a tale of remorse and redemption similar to recent biographies by former Neo-Nazis. But rather than a retraction of earlier held pieties, David Duke has redoubled his efforts, having "awakened" to a principle put forward by Benjamin Disraeli: "all is race, there is no other truth."

Routinely castigated for such beliefs, David Duke is naturally suspicious of all who enter his domain. But as we sat in his living room, we couldn't shake the thought that Duke also carried a deeper, more troubling insecurity; that beneath this muscle bound "Son of the South" was a wounded child of an alcoholic mother, who cloaked himself in the veiled imagery of Nazi black--the black cadillac in the driveway, the black cover of My Awakening, the black swastika-like symbol on his web site--to cover up more painful personal truths. But, of course, such a psychological analysis would be branded as "Jewish quackery" by Duke supporters. So, we'll leave off, and let the savior of white European civilization explain himself better than we or our powerful cabal of Zionist shrinks ever could.

JIM MONK: Let's talk a about some of the things you bring up in your book, My Awakening. For example, affirmative action. There are several prominent African-Americans who would agree that affirmative action is a bad idea. A lot of people in California would agree with you on immigration reform. And there's the Zionist question you bring up. These are issues we need to address. But why do you address these policy questions from a racial perspective? Couldn't you solve affirmative action without making anybody intrinsically wrong? Why not join forces with black people? Why not join forces with Jewish people who think Zionism is wrong?

DAVID DUKE: Well, in my book I use a lot of quotations from both blacks and anti-Zionist Jewish individuals who oppose the supremacism of the modern Zionist state of Israel. As far as affirmative action goes, most polls show that 90 percent of blacks favor it whereas the vast majority of whites oppose it. When I was in the legislature I authored the only bill in opposition to affirmative action. It was a Louisiana House bill that simply said no affirmative action program shall discriminate against an individual on the basis of their race.

Unlike the dismantling of Jim Crow which occurred rather rapidly, affirmative action is still enforced and almost every major corporation today practices it. Affirmative action is nothing more than racial discrimination against better qualified white Americans. I say that if discrimination against blacks is wrong then I think it is just as wrong not to side with white Americans.

MONK: Was affirmative action ever, in the history of this country, a useful tool?

DUKE: I don't think it ever was a useful tool. I think that whenever you get away from the best qualified person, what you're doing is hurting not only the individuals who face discrimination but also the quality of society.
The idea of the original civil rights movement was if you're a better qualified black, you'll get treated fairly, according to your abilities. The problem is that it didn't succeed in bringing blacks into high tech jobs, so then they moved toward the special privileges of affirmative action. Most conservatives end up saying maybe David Duke is right, maybe the races are different, maybe they have different talents and different approaches.

MONK: I don't agree with that.

DUKE: Let's say maybe they do have different talents and approaches. If we simply have a color blind society and we simply have complete equal opportunity, then everything should be fine. The truth is that we're also social groups with racial dynamics. This has a tremendous impact in terms of policies and politics. If blacks and Mexican-Americans were the majority of the population in the United States, we'd have Jesse Jackson as president. We'd have more affirmative action than we have right now. We'd probably have more expensive welfare programs. We'd probably have much lighter sentences and a weaker criminal justice system.

MONK: If you're talking of coalitions of groups, there are black people, Jewish people, Hispanic people who are Republican. For instance, there's J.C. Watts, a very conservative black Republican. Why couldn't you work with J.C. Watts?

DUKE: I could work with J.C. Watts. I could work with any Republican. I could work with any person who agrees with my opinions. But why are we concerned about the racial demographics and the racial dynamics of it all? Because racial dynamics are real. J.C. Watts is an exception, alright. Most of the elected black officials in Washington D.C. are the exact opposite end of the spectrum, and I contend that they will continue to be on that side of the spectrum.

I've never ever said that I wouldn't work with people opposing affirmative action. Ward Connerly is a black individual who opposes affirmative action. I don't think he'll work with me.

MONK: Why couldn't you hold an olive branch out to him?

DUKE: I've always had an olive branch out to people. But David Duke has a more controversial background. I was in the Klan years ago as a young man. I was never violent or illegal in any way. But because of that image some of these people will not work with me. I think it's partially the responsibility of the press because they speak in horror of the fact that David Duke has been elected to public office.

MONK: Are there blacks, Hispanics, or Jewish people in your campaign?

DUKE: I don't think so. I mean, there are people of Spanish descent. I know there are people of Jewish decent in my campaign. In fact, one of my avid supporters is a Jewish gentleman, been a friend, Dr. Gene Jeffus. I don't know of any particular blacks right now, but it's not because I wouldn't. It's just none of them have come forward in terms of an active role. In my campaigns for US Senate I had the active support of James Meredith. James Meredith is one of the founders of the civil rights movement. The difference between James Meredith and other civil rights leaders is that Meredith came to realize that forced integration was not a good thing for black people or for white people. He thinks that integration has really beheaded the black community. It has hurt the integrity of the black community. It's hurt the educational standards for blacks. It's really brought about a lot of racial tension. Integration has produced things in this country like skinheads. There are massive numbers of white young people with intense dislike of minorities.

MONK: Are you a segregationist?

DUKE: No, but I'm not an integrationist either. I believe in freedom of choice. I simply believe in freedom. I believe that people should be able to choose their own association. I think the government has taken away that right from us. The truth is: people vote with their feet, and we've had massive white flight in our major cities because of the integration of schools, neighborhood, apartment complexes and the rest of it. Even in integrated schools you'll see the white kids with the white kids and the black with the black. People tend to associate with their own kind. They feel more comfortable around those that share their own values, culture, music. The government tries to override that with social engineering, with forced integration and section 8 housing, which just creates tension and animosity.

MONK: Would you support the right of neighborhoods to kick out black people?

DUKE: I support the right of any neighborhood to associate with whomever they want. If they want to be a neighborhood for people with blue hair that's fine with me. I think you should be able to sell your home to whoever you like. And rent your home to whomever you like. This is a big country.
Forced integration was based on the idea that a black child had an inherent right to sit next to a white child. Well, here's the question: If a black child has an inherent right to sit next to a white child in school, does a white child have an inherent right to sit next to a white child in school?

If you gave people a choice in this country in terms of education, I'm absolutely certain that whites would tend to send their children to go to school with whites. Blacks would tend to go to school with blacks.

MONK: I disagree with your assumption that it's a racial thing. I think in a lot of cases you want to associate with people, regardless of their color, who share your standards. Whether they're moral standards, whether they're intellectual standards, cultural aesthetic standards. And that person could be black, Hispanic, or Jewish.

DUKE: But the demographics of that, it's just not that way. Though there are individual blacks who excel and who like the same music you like, overall that's not true. You go to a white high school and a black high school and you're going to see some big differences.

In terms of crime, blacks commit at least ten times more violent crimes per capita than whites. The cross-racial crime is about 20 to 1, black violence against white. This doesn't mean all blacks are criminals but it means on average if you have a school of blacks and a school of whites the black school is going be a lot more violent. The drug use is going be a lot heavier. The educational problems are going be a lot more severe.

MONK: I'm not an apologist, nor am I a supporter of "victim culture," but I think your racial causality is simplistic at best. But let's assume for the sake of argument that your statistics are even half-right, what is an answer that doesn't involve unconstitutional discrimination on the basis of race?

DUKE: Well you don't solve the problem by destroying the educational quality for everybody else. Maybe if you have certain segments going to certain schools you can orient certain programs for those people. I'll give you an example; you have a very high illegitimacy rate in the black schools. About 75 percent of the blacks today are born illegitimate without a living present father. In those schools I could see a very strong role for the government coming in and having many sessions for those kids on birth control. Whereas in some [white] schools like in Mandeville you wouldn't need that type of program because the illegitimacy rate is very tiny. You might also need that all along the Mexican-American border. I talked to a young lady from Brownsville, Texas and they have a daycare in the high school because there's so much illegitimacy going on down there.

If you gave white people a choice to send their child to an all black school or all white school, or an almost all white school, they're almost universally going to choose the all white school. You can say that the conditions of the white school are better by some sort of accidental phenomena, but I say the conditions go along with the racial differences. Some people can argue that differences are inherent and some people can argue that differences are a result of environment, but these differences do exist.

MONK: But how do you explain the African-Americans who excel, from Clarence Thomas to Oprah Winfrey to Toni Morrison and Alice Walker?

DUKE: The fact that there are exceptions can sometimes tend to prove rules rather than disprove rules.

MONK: We're not saying that those are exceptions. There are tremendous numbers of African-Americans who excel.

DUKE: Well, they really are exceptions per capita. I'm not trying to demean blacks. They have their own culture and their own heritage. It's just quite distinct from my own. I don't revere the values of rap music. But if that's what they want they've got a right to pursue their own culture however it falls. But we have a right to pursue our own culture.

MONK: You talk about "they" and "we." But this is America where it's a melange. Isn't the American experiment about bringing the tribes of the world together and trying to make that work, regardless of our perceived differences?

DUKE: Is it really about that? I reject the premise. The idea of America was not about that at all. The idea of America was about freedom. The first immigration act of the United States--which was written by the same founding fathers who wrote our Declaration of Independence and our Constitution--limited immigration strictly to white European Christians. In the Federalist papers John Jay repeatedly talks about the common brotherhood we have with Europeans. Thomas Paine's Common Sense talks about how we are all European brothers. Thomas Jefferson wrote, in fact, he said, and I quote him, "Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people, the Negroes, are to be free." And that's where the quotation usually ends by our major media, but the rest of Thomas Jefferson's quote went like this: "nor is it less certain that these people, equally free, cannot live under the same government. Nature, opinion, and habit have drawn indelible lines of distinction between the white and black races that can never be erased." And then in the same passages he goes on to say that, "Unless blacks are repatriated back to Africa," he "shudders over the prospects of America." I mean, this is Thomas Jefferson. This is the guy that wrote the Declaration of Independence. This is the fella that wrote our Bill of Rights.

MONK: Okay, let's stop there and look at this a second. Blacks are a group of people that came to America, by and large, involuntarily.

DUKE: That's true.

MONK: Okay, so they're here now. So "we," that is white Europeans, by bringing them over as slaves, WE created this multicultural society you so abhor. I mean that's a fact. So why not try to make that work. As your dear friend Jesse Jackson says, "we came over in separate boats, but we're all in the same boat now."

DUKE: Well, let me tell you something, I'm not advocating any sort of mandatory repatriation or forced repatriation or anything like that, but I also recognize the fact that the races tend to want to associate with their own and that America is a big country and that we can afford the right of people to associate with their own, and I think you'll have a healthier society. The truth is, back 50, 60 years ago in America, 30 to 40 years ago even, we did that. I actually believe racial tensions were far less than today. I think the quality of life was far greater. Since then our major cities have imploded from crime and white flight.

MONK: Who's your favorite rock and roll band? You like rock and roll right?

DUKE: Yeah.

MONK: The roots of rock and roll go back to the blues.

DUKE: I think pretty much the roots of rock and roll really go back to bluegrass and country. I would argue with you about that. And even jazz, I know a lot about jazz, and I'm very familiar with the history of jazz. A lot of northerners don't really realize this, but the original roots of jazz going back to the last century were almost entirely European. It was French European. I can't argue that [Blacks] haven't made great contributions to jazz. But we're talking about roots.

MONK: But what I'm saying is we listen to black musicians. We listen to white musicians. We listen to any great musician.

DUKE: But you probably tend to listen to black musicians that are more conformed to white sounding music.

MONK: Actually most white kids today listen to gangsta rap music. You don't know how popular it is it is with white kids.

DUKE: I think it's more to do with fashion than anything else. The media has subconsciously tried to make that fashionable. It's more of a herd instinct.

MONK: You really think the media can influence an entire race of teenage kids and make them like something they don't want to like at all?

DUKE: I don't think those values [of rap music] are good. The difficulties we have in our society right now is because our [white kids] are not into something that's more natural for them. I really think that multi-culturalism doesn't produce things like love, peace and brotherhood. It produces things like what's going on in Yugoslavia right now. The truth is that the most law-abiding, most loving societies that have the most brotherhood among people and greatest sense of companionship, care and mutual concern tend to be the most homogenous societies.

MONK: I would absolutely disagree with that. In Africa they're slaughtering each other.

DUKE: But that's ethnic tribal warfare.

MONK: But it's all black.

DUKE: It's tribal.

MONK: But it's very homogenous there. Your theory is not true.

DUKE: Well let's talk about the more advanced countries of the world. Your lowest crime rate in the world is in places like Europe, where it's very homogenous. And then you have places in the United States like Minnesota or Utah, which are very homogenous. Utah, for instance, has less than one murder per hundred thousand people. That murder rate's actually lower than the murder rate in Europe. And Utah has the highest gun ownership in the United States and is also one of the most homogenous states. Then you go to someplace like New Orleans, which has a very high murder rate. There are over 300 murders a year. Then you go to some nation like Brazil, and Rio de Janeiro, where it's the height of multi-culturalism. They have over 6000 murders a year. In this country we are going towards the demographics of Brazil. I promise you that those kind of statistics will exist here when that happens.

MONK: Don't you think there are ways to reduce crime without separating the races?

DUKE: The ways that are available is to just lock everybody up. Our prison populations have gone from about 3/4 of a million to over 2 million. Plus, a lot of our civil liberties are gone, by the way. You may get control over violent crime but you're wiping away civil liberties.

MONK: Are you a closet Libertarian?

DUKE: In a lot of ways. I mean, my voting record in the House of Representatives was certainly against government interference or control over our lives in most areas of life. I believe in less government.

MONK: I'm gonna play a little name game here. I'm gonna say a name and you're gonna give me kind of an aphoristic take on the person, one or two sentences-- boom--what comes into your head, your little snapshot.

DUKE: All right.

MONK: Jesse Jackson.

DUKE: I think of his quotation when he said, "hi-ho, hi-ho, Western culture has to go."

VINCENT, DAVID DUKE'S CAMPAIGN MANAGER, INTERJECTS: You're taking this psychoanalysis test and you don't know what this guy's going do with it? This is the kind of thing, you know, he's going to send to the quacks back in New York City and then have all his Jew quacks, you know, evaluate it.

MONK: I don't think so. The righteous Mr. Farrakhan.

DUKE: Um, (pauses), a man with whom I disagree but respect.

MONK: Why do you respect him?

DAVID: Because he stands up honestly for his people and even though I disagree with some of his sentiments towards whites, I think alot of his sentiments are essentially healthy, that he wants to preserve his own heritage, he's helped people get away from drugs, strengthening the black family unit. I can respect him very much as an opponent.

MONK: Clarence Thomas.

DAVID: So far, so good Supreme Court Justice, one of the better.

MONK: Adolf Hitler.

DUKE: A disaster for European mankind.

MONK: Steven Spielberg.

DUKE: Zionist supremacist extraordinaire.

MONK: David Duke.

DUKE: An exposer of hypocrisies.

MONK: What is your greatest fear?

DUKE: I'm fearful that my children are going to grow up as strangers in their own land. I'm fearful that the present policies of our government, such as immigration and subsidizing the illegitimate welfare birthrate, will cause my descendants to be outnumbered and out-voted in their own land.

I find it interesting that we're so intent on preserving the Rocky Mountain Cougar, the Great Whale of the Pacific and the Blue Whales of the Pacific, but there's another beautiful form of life which I think is worthy of preservation, and that's European mankind and womankind. I love everything about our heritage, our aesthetics, our art, our culture, our literature, our systems of government that we've created. I think that our people have a right to live, that we have a right to survive. It would be a shame if we lost the integrity of our heritage.

I think our government has a policy where we discriminate against European immigrants coming into America. We have 90 percent of illegal immigrants coming in that are non-European. White people have a birthrate that's not even at replacement level. I think that in a way we're an endangered species. I think we have the right for our children to grow up in a nation that's something like what we lived in. I don't like the way things are going. I want to see a change and that's really what motivates me. That's why I've put up with all the barbs and all the attacks and the threats that go along with standing up for my European-American values.

We are really in a struggle for the survival of our values. I don't want to oppress any minorities, but I certainly think that we have a right to survive.

MONK: So you're fighting to preserve America's white European heritage?

DUKE: I think somebody's got to.

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